ROME — Not long ago, the Five Star movement looked like the power to be reckoned with in Italian politics. The internet-based party stormed the political establishment last year to become the dominant force in Italy’s government.
But since then, Five Star’s support has cratered, as Matteo Salvini, leader of its nominally junior coalition partner, the hard-right League, dominates Italian politics through sheer force of personality, ceaseless campaigning and a news-driving social media presence deeply in tune with the country’s anti-migrant pulse.
The results this week from European Parliament elections confirmed the trends, with Mr. Salvini’s party finishing first, taking more than a third of the vote, to Five Star’s 17 percent, third-place showing behind the progressive Democratic Party it had mocked as dead and irrelevant.
Things have gotten so bad for Five Star that on Thursday, its political leader, Luigi Di Maio, put his dream job on the line — or online — and asked party members to continue to back him in a closed vote on the party’s internal web platform, which they did.
Mr. Salvini, for one, seemed to hope that Mr. Di Maio and the government would survive, at least until Mr. Salvini builds enough support to govern alone or with allied forces in the hard, post-Fascist right.
Mr. Salvini is well suited by having a weakened Mr. Di Maio as his wing man, and he made clear this week that he could pull the plug on the coalition should another Five Star leader, the more aggressive and mercurial Alessandro Di Battista, take the helm.
But considering that new elections would probably only make things worse for Five Star, and relegate it to the opposition wilderness, many analysts had considered Mr. Di Maio’s survival a foregone conclusion. Some figured the government would weather the outcome regardless of the vote.
“It’s not automatic that a vote against Di Maio is a vote against the government,” said Vincenzo Galasso, an economics professor at Bocconi University in Milan.
“But it could be the solution to give electors a sense of discontinuity while remaining in government,’’ he said. ‘‘The movement gives a signal, but it doesn’t hurt itself too badly.”
Mr. Di Maio was confirmed by a landslide, with 44,849 votes in favor and 11,278 against.
The Five Star blog called the vote “one of the most beautiful pages in the history of direct democracy,” because of the plebiscite that confirmed the party’s leader, 80 percent in favor, but also the high number of voters.
“A world record for an online vote in one day by any political force,” it boasted.
Even before the vote, Mr. Di Maio had the backing of Five Star’s leadership, including Davide Casaleggio, whose company developed the web-based voting system, called Rousseau, where about 100,000 people were registered to vote.
His vote on the platform, whose inner workings remain murky and vulnerable to hackers, is the only one that counts, according to critics and party dissidents, who have accused Mr. Casaleggio of pulling the levers behind the machine. On the movement’s blog, several voters complained that they were unable to cast ballots.
Beppe Grillo, the irreverent comedian who founded the movement with Mr. Casaleggio’s father just over a decade ago, proffered his seal of approval for Mr. Di Maio, writing on his blog that the party’s 32-year-old wunderkind had not “committed a crime, or exposed himself to scandal of any kind.”
“This carousel of confidence is already too much,” he added. “He has to continue the battle he was fighting before.”
Yet Mr. Di Maio has faced rising dissent, especially after the party’s miserable showing on Sunday.
Some in the party have suggested that Mr. Di Maio, whose previous work experience consisted mainly of serving as an usher in a soccer stadium, had overstretched his capacities.
Currently, he is the movement’s political head, as well as deputy prime minister, the minister of economic development and the minister of labor. He is also the face of the party, constantly appearing on Facebook Live and more recently explaining away bad news through a seemingly painful, and permanent, smile.
“If you want to be Superman you have to show that you can do it,” a Five Star senator, Gianluigi Paragone, said on Wednesday in an interview in the Milan daily Corriere della Sera, giving Mr. Di Maio middling votes in all four positions.
“The movement is at its historical low, and as deputy prime minister he has lost the challenge,” he said.
Soon after, Mr. Paragone offered his resignation to Mr. Di Maio.
It no doubt helped Mr. Di Maio that Five Star members of parliament were unlikely to precipitate early elections, which would deprive many of the anti-establishment politicians of their government jobs and salaries. The movement risked being wiped out should national elections be called.
“So the logic is to resist as much a possible,” said Sergio Fabbrini, director of the department of political science at Luiss University in Rome.
Moreover, Mr. Casaleggio recently confirmed in an interview in Le Monde that the party’s two-term limit was “untouchable,” and several of the current crop of parliamentarians were first elected in 2013. Mr. Di Maio is also in his second term in office.
“Five Star politicians are just pawns that go through Rousseau — they don’t have a future,” said Mr. Galazzo, the professor. Even those in their first term were at risk. “And many don’t have a job to return to; they’d join the forces of the unemployed,” he said.
Tensions between the two governing parties — with vastly disparate electorates and political programs — have ebbed and flowed in the past year, though both leaders have reassured voters that the government contract that bound them was stronger than their differences.
A far more likely scenario, in the midterm, is that the League will call for a government reshuffle, replacing the defense and infrastructure ministers, now Five Star posts, with their own party members.
Among the sticking points between the two parties is the development of infrastructure, and a high-speed train line between Italy and France, that the League is pushing for, even as the Five Star pushes back.
In any case, Mr. Salvini now has the momentum. Political analysts noted that in national elections, the League could cobble together a right-wing alliance with a governing majority.
Mr. Fabbrini suggested that Mr. Di Maio could decide, regardless of the vote, “to downsize his own leadership, sharing responsibilities with others, or allowing someone else to take the chief political role.”
After surviving the vote, Mr. Di Maio said on his Facebook page that the party would reorganize in the coming weeks to better use the expertise of its members and bring it closer to voters.
For the past year, Mr. Di Battista, who jostled with Mr. Di Maio for leadership of the party, has stepped aside, traveling the world with his wife and young child, and weighing in occasionally.
On Thursday, he told reporters that he would be ready to run for office in four years. “My life comes first,” he said.
Mr. Galasso said that in this government, taking Mr. Di Maio’s place would be a suicide mission.
“It’s going to be difficult to do much and the risk of getting burnt is high,” he said. “Salvini has all the aces in his hand.”B:
九龙心水码公开三码【世】【事】【无】【常】，【武】【三】【思】【听】【着】【圣】【旨】，【如】【坠】【冰】【窟】。 【怎】【么】【也】【想】【不】【通】，【昨】【日】【还】【是】【前】【程】【风】【光】，【怎】【么】【今】【天】【就】 【若】【如】【圣】【旨】【所】【任】，【他】【得】【去】【凉】【州】【守】【边】【关】。【而】【武】【载】【德】【更】【惨】，【去】【吐】【蕃】【那】【个】【鸟】【不】【拉】【屎】【的】【地】【方】【放】【牛】。 【这】【和】【原】【本】【的】【任】【命】，【可】【是】【差】【了】【十】【万】【八】【千】【里】【不】【止】。 【武】【三】【思】【心】【里】【那】【个】【苦】【啊】，【就】【别】【提】【了】！ .. 【时】【间】
【陆】【晓】【晓】【没】【想】【到】【傅】【司】【霆】【竟】【然】【会】【提】【出】【这】【个】【赌】【约】。 【她】【惊】【讶】【地】【看】【着】【傅】【司】【霆】，【同】【时】【又】【格】【外】【认】【真】【地】【思】【考】【起】【这】【个】【问】【题】。 “【这】【个】……” 【谁】【会】【先】【结】【婚】？ 【陆】【晓】【晓】【以】【前】【还】【真】【没】【想】【过】【这】【个】【问】【题】。 【即】【便】【现】【在】【两】【家】【人】【都】【已】【经】【见】【过】【面】【了】，【陆】【晓】【晓】【潜】【意】【识】【里】【仍】【旧】【觉】【得】【自】【己】【离】【结】【婚】【很】【遥】【远】。 【她】【想】【着】【想】【着】，【视】【线】【飘】【向】【了】【傅】【司】【霆】，【随】【后】【想】
【李】【铁】【与】【张】【春】【光】、【李】【彦】【霖】【出】【发】【去】【往】【镇】【守】【太】【监】【余】【苍】【山】【那】【儿】。 【李】【铁】【算】【是】【当】【了】【一】【回】【和】【事】【佬】。 【反】【正】【不】【知】【道】【李】【彦】【霖】【和】【余】【苍】【山】【两】【个】【人】【最】【后】【会】【不】【会】【真】【的】【和】【解】。 【但】【表】【面】【上】【看】【起】【来】【倒】【是】【和】【和】【气】【气】【的】，【都】【说】【不】【计】【前】【嫌】，【一】【定】【要】【通】【力】【合】【作】，【为】【振】【兴】【江】【南】【省】【而】【努】【力】…… 【李】【铁】【也】【只】【能】【做】【到】【这】【儿】【了】。 【不】【然】【还】【能】【怎】【么】【着】？ 【李】【彦】【霖】【肯】九龙心水码公开三码【视】【线】【回】【到】【德】【甲】，【拜】【仁】【本】【轮】【远】【赴】【客】【场】【挑】【战】【排】【名】【第】【八】【的】【云】【达】【不】【莱】【梅】。 【为】【了】【即】【将】【来】【临】【的】【欧】【冠】【半】【决】【赛】【与】【皇】【马】【的】【第】【二】【回】【合】【比】【赛】，【海】【因】【克】【斯】【对】【阵】【容】【进】【行】【了】【一】【定】【的】【调】【整】，【进】【行】【了】【大】【部】【分】【主】【力】【的】【轮】【换】。 【罗】【本】、【里】【贝】【里】、【克】【罗】【斯】、【拉】【姆】、【古】【斯】【塔】【沃】【等】【人】【坐】【在】【板】【凳】【上】。 【比】【赛】【在】【二】【十】【一】【日】【晚】【上】【八】【点】【进】【行】。 【上】【半】【场】【双】【方】【互】【交】【白】【卷】，
“【老】【婆】，【我】【们】【明】【天】【去】【里】【吧】。” 【千】【夏】【一】【个】【人】【单】【独】【呆】【在】【一】【个】***【上】。 【那】【份】***【自】【从】【她】【拿】【到】【之】【后】，【再】【也】【没】【看】【过】，【看】【一】【眼】【就】【觉】【得】【孤】【独】【一】【分】，【直】【接】【被】【她】【锁】【在】【了】【抽】【屉】【里】。 【想】【到】【那】【个】【只】【有】【她】【一】【个】【人】【的】【户】【口】【簿】，【马】【上】【就】【要】【从】【一】【个】【人】【变】【成】【两】【个】【人】，【再】【变】【成】【三】【个】【人】…… 【千】【夏】【一】【颗】【心】，【顿】【时】【热】【乎】【乎】【的】。 …… 【民】【政】【局】
【楚】【笑】【微】【轻】【声】【笑】【了】，“【不】【清】【楚】【你】【那】【句】【话】【是】【真】【的】，【但】【我】【愿】【意】【相】【信】【这】【句】【话】【是】‘【真】【心】【实】【意】’。” 【看】【见】【楚】【笑】【微】【迈】【开】【脚】【步】，【陈】【月】【心】【里】【着】【急】。 “【没】【事】【的】。”【叶】【楚】【凡】【抓】【住】【陈】【月】【手】【腕】，【这】【个】【时】【候】【相】【信】【微】【微】【他】【们】。 【就】【像】【陈】【宋】【秋】【说】【的】【一】【样】，【如】【果】【贺】【黎】【吃】【药】【连】【四】【个】【人】【都】【打】【不】【过】，【干】【脆】【放】【弃】【机】【关】【术】【比】【较】【好】。 【贺】【黎】【本】【来】【能】【走】【的】，【偏】【偏】【留】